Just like money, Covid decides cricket’s haves and have-nots

“We think Covid-19 protocols, as with player welfare provision generally, should be the subject of global, enforceable minimum standards.” – Tom Moffat, Federation of International Cricketers’ Associations CEO

TELFORD VICE | Cape Town

HOW to gauge the difference between the capacity of administrators in first world countries to run cricket during the pandemic compared to their counterparts in places where systems are less seamless and resources more scarce? Here’s one way, crude and limited though it is.

The ECB oversaw 10,000 tests for Covid-19 during the men’s and women’s English international summer, which ran from July 8 to September 30. During the 21 days from November 18, when the South Africa and England men’s squads and their support staff went into a bio-secure environment in Cape Town, until England’s tour was called off on Tuesday in the wake of the detection of the disease in the players’ midst, CSA dispensed around 600 tests. So the ECB tested at around four times the rate CSA did. 

It’s true that CSA didn’t apply the bubble restrictions as tightly as the ECB, but it is also true that South Africa and most other countries don’t have the capacity to test as often as the United Kingdom. So, for many cricketers, including those who have reached international level, the Covid-19 playing field is about as level as the outfield at Lord’s. 

“At the moment clearly there is a pressing need to resource bio-secure bubbles, testing facilities, etcetera, to ensure player and support staff welfare,” Tom Moffat, the chief executive of the Federation of International Cricketers’ Associations (FICA), told Cricbuzz. “We think those things, as with player welfare provision generally, should be the subject of global, enforceable minimum standards.

“The fact there are vastly different standards around the world means the level of player welfare provision simply reflects how a particular board or country prioritises it and the extent to which it can pay for, and resource, world class protections.

“The ICC is very good at imposing blanket global rules that apply to, and are enforceable on, players; codes of conduct, anti-doping, anti-corruption rules, for example. It continues to resist our calls for it to put enforceable measures in place that protect people, including players, in other vital areas.”

Cricket is shot through with contrasts because it is, like every other part of society, subject to global inequalities. The pandemic has brought those differences into stark relief — including at the level of the players, who are often cushioned from realities their compatriots confront regularly. When last, for instance, has a police escort ensured your bus glides through rush-hour traffic as if it is the only vehicle on the road? The virus pays no heed to sirens and flashing lights.

The failure of England’s tour — half the six matches have been postponed indefinitely — has cast doubts over the rest of South Africa’s home summer. Boards don’t want their players’ medical security compromised by insecure systems, not least because that could impact their future marketability. For instance, Sri Lanka are due in South Africa for two Tests, the first starting on December 26. But they are scheduled to host England in two Tests from January 14.

Given their team’s recent experience in South Africa, will the ECB trust that the Lankans won’t bring the virus home with them and thus endanger England’s players? Australia, who are due in South Africa for three Tests in February and March, are also concerned.

SLC was considering calling off their team’s tour or suggesting the matches be moved to Sri Lanka. The board is now understood to be satisfied that CSA will institute stricter anti-virus measures than it did during England’s tour, which was blighted by trips to golf courses and a group barbecue, apparently to appease players already suffering from bubble fatigue. CA’s latest position, it has been learnt, is that South Africa and Australia play their Tests in Perth. Once apartheid kept teams out of South Africa. Now Covid-19 might.

A more familiar disparity among cricket-playing countries is what their boards earn. None makes more than the BCCI, which under the current funding model claims USD405-million a year from the ICC. The ECB’s share is USD139-million, and the Australian, Pakistani, South African, West Indian, Sri Lankan, New Zealand and Bangladeshi boards USD128-million each. USD94-million goes to Zimbabwe, and USD40-million each to Ireland and Afghanistan. The ICC’s 92 associate members are paid USD160-million combined. So India makes more than 230 times what Argentina, Bulgaria or Zambia do. 

The logic is that India generates more of cricket’s revenue than anyone else, hence it deserves the biggest slice of the cake. In 2019 the IPL alone was estimated to have a brand value of USD6.7-billion. That’s more than 500 times what Pakistan earns annually from the ICC. International cricket, as it is configured now, is not an exercise in democracy but in capitalism — ideologies that compete with each other more than they concur.

Boards also make money from the sale of the broadcast rights for bilateral series. But that equation is skewed in favour of the more powerful organisations, which grow in influence and stature because they are able to demand higher rights fees. In 2018 Star agreed to pay the BCCI USD944-million over five years for India’s domestic broadcast and digital rights, with the latter applying worldwide. Last month the same company concluded a four-year deal with CSA for the linear and digital rights for the broadcast in Asia, the Middle East and north Africa of all of South Africa’s matches, and for India’s tours to South Africa. All that for the bargain price, relatively, of USD100.6-million.

A hole in the bilateral bucket is that only home boards earn broadcast revenue. So, if CSA agreed to playing the Lankans in Sri Lanka and the Australians in Perth, they should lose that money. But, in this case, SLC and CA are believed to be willing to allow CSA to keep the rights fees. Similarly, the fact that CSA confirmed on Wednesday that the Proteas would visit Pakistan in January and February for the first time since 2007 for two Tests and three T20Is may not be unrelated to the Pakistanis not having expressed worry about travelling to South Africa in April to play six-white ball games. If the visitors’ boards shared in the revenue from bilateral series such politicking could be avoided, and the potential for dodgy dealmaking removed.

“There is no doubt that the existing models in terms of revenue distribution from both ICC events and relating to bilateral international cricket are not perfect, and we know that in the current system, with the current structure of the game, it creates an almost insurmountable gap between the haves and have-nots,” Moffat said. “The idea of visiting boards taking a cut of the broadcast rights in bilateral international cricket has been flagged and may be one way to look at an equalisation measure.”

But the sweep of change would need to be broader than that if cricket is to be made a fairer game for all. “In our view any discussion also needs to focus on accountability and transparency, which are a product of governance,” Moffat said. “All of the major full member boards have received hundreds of millions of dollars over the last decade or so, including through ICC distributions, and in many cases we question how that money has actually been spent.

“From a player perspective we would like to see more revenue in the game targeted and tagged towards areas in genuine need, including to assist smaller and mid-tier countries professionalise and remain competitive in both the men’s and women’s game.

“We are interested in a strong and healthy global game and also ensuring that players get remunerated properly relative to the money that they generate for the game at ICC level and for the boards, many of whom clearly aren’t spending that money particularly efficiently. Players collectively receive 2.6% of ICC revenue as player prizemoney in ICC events, for example, which is a pretty trivial amount relative to the amount of money those players are helping to generate for the entire game through their performances in those events. The rest of the money is largely carved up by the boards amongst themselves.

“In some of the FICA countries there are revenue-sharing arrangements which ensure that there is at least some level of transparency on the amounts that are going through to players collectively. But in many other countries we know that is not the case, and that players are not getting a fair share of the revenue they help to generate.”

Some of those players might wonder why they don’t see certain others as often as some of their ostensible peers in other countries. In the past five years India have played 17 matches against South Africa in bilateral rubbers. In the same period Australia have taken on the Indians 45 times.

“We believe many of the game’s economic inequities can also be assisted by good scheduling and a balanced FTP and competition structures,” Moffat said. “Clear and top down, more symmetrical scheduling, would not only lead to good competition structures and more understandable points systems, it would also actually help with the revenue situation.

“At the moment the situation where bigger countries play more against themselves than others in an asymmetrical, competitor driven global schedule, exacerbates the imbalance in the way money is distributed around the world. On top of this, countries who make the most from bilateral scheduling also get the largest share of ICC event driven revenues.

“More equitable scheduling can also help to create pathways to the top and revenue-generating opportunities for the smaller cricket countries who could capitalise more financially if bigger countries played them more. For players from those smaller cricket countries, and almost all countries from a women’s player perspective, the frustration is palpable and we are really sympathetic to that because a lot of them have demonstrated they can compete with and beat the best in the world, yet they can’t get regular fixtures.”

From cash to Covid, cricket’s fault lines are many and varied. The virus is the newest of them, and it has the same main effect as the others — it separates rich from poor. Because 10,000 tests can’t all be wrong, but too many of 600 might be.

First published by Cricbuzz.

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Stubborn CSA risk state control

“Uncooperative, difficult, unresponsive, arrogant and sometimes rude.” – Zac Yacoob, the chair of the interim board, on CSA’s executive management.

TELFORD VICE | Cape Town

CSA’s members council went looking for trouble when it rejected the interim board compiled by government. And it has found trouble on powerful fronts, perhaps throwing England’s imminent men’s tour into jeopardy, risking the withdrawal of the privilege of calling its teams national representatives, and putting the lifeline of broadcast revenue under threat.

The members council had the chance to avert those dire realities at its meeting on Friday evening. But that would have taken a sweeping reversal of the position it took at a press conference on Thursday, when Rihan Richards, the acting president, used little more than legal argument in an attempt to explain the council’s recalcitrance.

Cricbuzz has learnt that only three provincial presidents supported recognising the interim board at Friday’s meeting. Instead it was decided to revert to an earlier position of accepting the board if Haroon Lorgat is removed from the structure because of perceived conflicts of interest. Interim board member Judith February confirmed that Lorgat offered to resign but was persuaded to stay on.        

On Wednesday the members council wrote to Nathi Mthethwa, the sports minister, to try and justify its refusal to appoint the interim board as proposed on October 30 — which followed the 10 elected board members resigning on September 25 and 26. Mthethwa replied in strong terms on Friday, threatening direct action, which could include legally withdrawing government recognition of CSA as the country’s cricket federation. Also on Friday, Zac Yacoob, the chair of the proposed board, issued a humiliating excoriation of the behaviour of the members council and CSA’s executive staff.

Mthethwa’s letter, addressed to Richards, said he was “quite dismayed and deeply disappointed at the tenor and tone” of CSA’s stance as outlined in their letter, parts of which he said “[defied] logic and common sense”. And those were the less alarming sections: “I need to state for the record that I have yet to exercise my powers of intervention accorded to me in terms of [the law]. “In the circumstances, I would be failing in my statutory and constitutional duty not to intervene in what is nothing other than the poor governance of a sport which is a national asset and which belongs to the people of the republic of South Africa. 

“None of the grounds mentioned by you … constitute either rational and/or reasonable grounds [to not recognise the interim board]. By contrast, they appear to be an attempt to frustrate the process of correcting the many wrongs that exist within CSA which the members council has consistently, and publicly, acknowledged.”

If the members council does not accept the interim board, Mthethwa wrote, “I will exercise my powers under the Act and issue a directive in that regard. In the event that you fail to comply with my directive, I will not hesitate to impose the sanctions available to me in terms of the Act.”

The interim board “require[s] your consent, and your co-operation; not your filibustering tactics, and attempts to frustrate [it] from getting to the bottom of what is rotten in South African cricket”.

Yacoob, a former Constitutional Court judge, didn’t hold back in his condemnation: “I suspect the members council feared administration and the repercussions the minister is now promising, and to avoid that it falsely agreed with the minister and then reneged.

“Everyone accepted that the members council would legitimate our appointment. We proceeded on the basis that they would legitimate our appointment. The minister believed the members council would legitimate us. And they didn’t actually do so. In other words, they broke their promise.

“… We, as the proposed board, began interfering too quickly and too soon. They became very uncomfortable. It could be said that we should have bided our time, treated them nicely, pretended that we were going to be good to them. Then they might have confirmed us. Maybe that was a mistake on our part.”

Neither did CSA’s executive management escape a dose of Yacoob’s ire: “Those members of the administration we have reacted with have been uncooperative, difficult, unresponsive, arrogant and sometimes rude. That has been part of the problem. We have been trying to get information from them, trying to bring them to account.

“My suspicion is that it is because of the administration’s dissatisfaction with the [interim] board that they have probably complained to the members council. There is a strong chance that the executive have had a great deal of influence in this decision to exclude the interim board.” That might have happened because “we would have been able to instruct the executive and tell them what to do”.

Yacoob raised the spectre of the 11th-hour cancellation of the tour by England, who are due to embark on Monday to play South Africa in six white-ball internationals, starting on November 27: “I don’t know what the thinking is in England, but I have no doubt that if the members council doesn’t take a proper decision this evening England will probably be seriously discouraged from coming.” Word from England’s camp is that, at this stage, it’s “business as usual” for the tour. But the ECB will surely pull the plug should Mthethwa withdraw CSA’s recognition in the wake of further stubbornness from the members council.

“We, as an independent board, are saying the minister will not and cannot tell us what to do.” – Zac Yacoob

Apart from denying South Africans their first chance to watch their team in action since March, that would cost CSA USD4.2-million in revenue. It could also prompt the ICC, on receipt of a complaint from the members council, to suspend CSA on the grounds of outside interference. That would constitute a breach of the terms of a deal agreed in principle between Star, a subscriber service, and CSA for the exclusive rights to broadcast on the subcontinent all South Africa’s matches for the next four years. The contract, which includes a clause that says CSA have to be full members of the ICC for the duration of the agreement, is reportedly worth up to USD105-million.

Had Mthethwa overstepped the mark? “All the minister did was appoint an independent board,” Yacoob said. “We, as an independent board, are saying the minister will not and cannot tell us what to do. If it is necessary for us to talk to the ICC about this, we will make it quite clear that the minister’s appointment of the board, with the consent of everyone, does not amount to interference. If CSA contends that, it will be continuing in its misleading attitude.

“The members council said it was going to lodge a complaint [with the ICC]. Even if it does, the notion of ministerial interference, in my view, is completely without substance, and I hope that the ICC will be wise enough to see that.

“We have been mandated by the minister to do a particular job of clean-up. We take our job seriously. The administration are not going to tell us what to do, but if they make any suggestions we will consider the very carefully. The members council, too, is not going to tell us what to do. Nobody will dictate our actions under any circumstances.”

What of CSA’s constitution, which is central to its membership of the ICC and makes the members council South African cricket’s highest authority? “I try to run over technicalities with the biggest machine I’ve got so that I can achieve the right thing,” Yacoob said. “The step we took was precisely to fix this thing so that the ICC doesn’t step in. If the ICC steps in now it will not be because we did all this without [CSA] going into administration. It will be because the members council improperly resisted a reasonable effort to fix things. Any effort to place any ICC intervention at the feet of the interim board doesn’t really work. The members council, which has not been put under administration, is solely responsible for the mess.”

But he agreed that the members council couldn’t be summarily sidelined: “It is impossible, at this stage, to disgrace the members council without causing serious harm to South African cricket at the same time. They understand that problem. All of us want to achieve this result without harming cricket too much, and they want to persuade us that not harming cricket is equivalent to not harming them. We don’t agree with that.”

A handy hook on which CSA appears to have hung its argument is that Mthethwa said the interim board should report to the members council. Did that make the members council the interim board’s superior? “I’m quite certain that the minister was saying we should report to them in the sense that we keep them advised of what we are doing, and we try to get everyone together and work together as much as possible,” Yacoob said. “We try and consult with them as much as possible, and we make sure we take them into account in the work that we do. They have interpreted that to mean, wrongly, that we are accountable to them and we must do what they tell us to do. Or what they authorise us to do. And we were not prepared to accept that.”

The members council has objected to Lorgat’s presence on the interim board because the last two years of his tenure as CSA’s chief executive, which ended in September 2017, are part of the Fundudzi forensic investigation into CSA’s problems — the interim board is using the Fundudzi report in its work. Lorgat was also instrumental in CSA granting loans to affiliates, some of which have defaulted on the repayments.

Yacoob, who said Lorgat would recuse himself when required, was having none of that: “The Lorgat matter is … a huge, big red herring. Let’s not get misled by that. Lorgat is just an excuse. That they’ve got too much to hide is the only inference that can be drawn. That opinion may be wrong, and they can prove it wrong by saying, ‘Come into our offices and look wherever you like; you will never find that we did anything wrong’. If they do that, I will withdraw my opinion and apologise.” 

There was much more where all that came from, including Yacoob’s view of some of the former board’s behaviour as “hooliganish and thuggish in the extreme”. He promised that: “There is very much we can do to create a good climate for cricket, in liaising with other organisations, to pressure the members council to recognise us, to put the administration into a situation where they recognise their position more and more. We are going to keep the pressure absolutely on at every level to ensure that they are pushed to cooperate with us.”

Yacoob’s ebullience was a balm for the souls of cricketminded South Africans, who have grown wearily bleak at hearing the suits defend and deny for all their worth. But, not long after he spoke, a SACA release brought everybody back to earth.

“We are back to square one, and the glimmer of hope has now been replaced by further disappointment and confusion,” Andrew Breetzke, SACA’s chief executive, was quoted as saying. “We have addressed formal correspondence to the members council advising them of our dismay at their decision, and highlighting their disregard for the welfare of players in passing this decision.

“It would appear as if the members council do not realise the extent of the damage being done to cricket, and sadly we are reaching a point where that damage may be irreparable.”

As you were, South Africans.

First published by Cricbuzz.

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