Conway goes a long way to find a place he can trust

“He looked at me with those steely eyes of his and he said, ‘I want to play cricket for South Africa and I want to get good marks.’” – Devon Conway’s high school coach, Adrian Norris.

Telford Vice | Cape Town

A superbly fit, overtly competitive, ultimately ordinary off-spinner leaves Pietermaritzburg for Nottingham and becomes Kevin Pietersen. An unflashy allrounder goes from Johannesburg to Wellington and turns into Grant Elliott. They are among a slew of examples where those came from: South Africa. Devon Conway added his name to the list this week.

Conway’s 200 at Lord’s made him the 111th man to reach a century on Test debut and the 12th from South Africa. Sort of. Andrew Hudson, Jacques Rudolph, Alviro Petersen, Faf du Plessis, Stiaan van Zyl and Stephen Cook know the feeling of making a hundred in their first Test. So do Kepler Wessels and Keaton Jennings.

But Wessels’ 162 at the Gabba in November 1982 was scored from under a not exactly baggy green helmet, while Jennings made his 112 at Wankhede in December 2016 wearing three lions rampant. As did Andrew Strauss for his 112 against New Zealand in May 2004 at Lord’s, Matt Prior for his unbeaten 126 against West Indies in May 2007 also at Lord’s, and Jonathan Trott for his 119 against Australia at the Oval in August 2009.

Conway’s headgear is black and emblazoned with a silver fern. At his high school, St John’s College in Johannesburg, it didn’t matter much on Wednesday that he does not don the protea badge. “We watched bits and pieces [on television] between classes,” Adrian Norris, the master in charge of cricket and a major influence on the player Conway has become, told Cricbuzz on Thursday. “He got to 30, and then we had load-shedding for three hours. So we kept track online from 30 until he was about 105, when we were able to watch again.”

Norris’ words help explain why Conway moved from Joburg to Wellington in August 2017. South Africa’s poorly maintained infrastructure means there isn’t enough electricity to keep all of the country’s lights on all of the time. So, sporadically since January 2008 and sometimes for days and weeks on end, scheduled rolling blackouts share the darkness. Sometimes your lights are off while your friends’ kilometres away are on. Sometimes it’s the other way around. You know when you will be able to cook dinner by consulting an app — several are readily available — on your smartphone.

Load-shedding has become emblematic of a South Africa that is failing to meet the expectations of a nation that, by defeating apartheid at the ballot box in April 1994, thought its worst days were behind it. Twenty-seven years on, we know our trust was misplaced.

“Devon was always the type of person who wanted trust,” Norris said. “We made sure we looked after him — we would get him something to eat, because sometimes he would skip the boarding school breakfast — and then he produced the goods and scored hundreds. He’s a very loyal person. It’s difficult to get into his trust, but once you’re in there you will be for life. He’ll do anything for you.”

Maybe Conway couldn’t trust South Africa enough to want to continue to make a life and a career there. Aged 26, he sold his home, his car and much of the rest of his material possessions and, with his partner, headed for New Zealand.

He had had a solid junior career — he made two half-centuries for Gauteng’s under-13 side, a hundred for the under-15s, and two centuries and a double ton for the under-19s. He scored 13 centuries in provincial first-class cricket. But at the higher franchise level, where he played only 21 matches in more than six years, Conway never reached three figures in 36 innings. So how big a role did cricket play in his decision?

It’s a worn trope that South Africa chases away some of its best and brightest in the cause of trying to make its national teams look more like the nation they represent. Did Conway feel hard done by because he is white? “Absolutely not,” Norris said. “In all our conversations we’ve had, he has never brought that up. He and his partner just wanted a different life experience, and that’s what they’ve got.”

Norris spoke of an apartment near the Wanderers, paid for by Gauteng cricket, that housed some of the province’s most promising players. Conway was among them. “In that flat lived five or six black African guys who were his mates. At times he would get picked ahead of them, and at times one of them would get picked ahead of him. I think he would have said, ‘These are my mates. How can I say I’m not getting picked because of the colour of my skin? They’re getting picked because they’re good enough.’”

A less often acknowledged aspect of the race dynamic is that, were it not for South Africa’s efforts to equalise opportunities across the game, world cricket would likely never have heard of Makhaya Ntini, Hashim Amla, Vernon Philander or Kagiso Rabada. Their talent and skill was undoubted and they worked hard for the success they earned. But talent, skill and hard work aren’t enough in a society more cruelly skewed in favour of the affluent than any other. The affluent are disproportionately white.

All but one of the South Africans who have won Test caps playing for other countries have come from relatively affluent whiteness. They, or their families, have had access to means to change their realities. Those means have been purposefully denied others. At 26, Conway owned property and a car and other stuff worth buying. Millions of his comparatively less well-off compatriots, almost all of them black and brown, their prospects for a decent life stolen from them by substandard education, low level jobs — if they have work at all — and life in a tin shack — if they are not surviving on the street — have nothing to sell and no hope of starting over somewhere else. That is by design, not accident. The single exception proves the rule: Basil D’Oliveira had to rescue himself, with John Arlott’s assistance, from just such an existence to show the world how well he could play cricket. The world outside South Africa, that is.

Even so, Conway is not a cookie-cutter example of privilege — he needed a bursary to gain entry to one of the country’s most elite schools. “I remember that interview,” Norris said. “I asked him why he wanted to come to St John’s, and he looked at me with those steely eyes of his and he said, ‘I want to play cricket for South Africa and I want to get good marks.’”

Did it sadden Norris that New Zealand, not South Africa, is reaping the benefits of the first half of that ambition? “Kids who come through our hands, we obviously want them to represent their country of birth. But the reality of the situation is that he is representing himself and challenging himself at the highest possible level. The world has become so small. Sportsmen will go overseas because that’s where the money is.”

Umpteen cricketminded reactionaries have been spewing ill-considered race politics on social media since about the time the power went out at St John’s on Wednesday. That professional sport in South Africa is too small and impoverished to contain all the talent the country produces is not a truth often aired there. Conway himself was in the same dormitory at St John’s boarding facility as Scott Spedding, who captained the first XV and went on to play 23 Tests for France, and Kenyan-born Brit Chris Froome, the four-time Tour de France champion.

“We’ve got a kid at St John’s now who’s just been signed by [top French rugby club] La Rochelle,” Norris said. “And he’s black African. The professional systems overseas are just so much more established. There’s money there. You can go and play [rugby] in the third league in France and you can do very well [financially]. You can play [cricket] for a second-tier county in England and do pretty well for six or seven months of the year.”

Conway has raised himself above and beyond that level, but Norris said he hadn’t forgotten what mattered: “He’s very humble and calm. He never got too hard on himself at school, or too excited. He’s very balanced. Sometimes I’ll send him a message, and it comes back with, ‘Thank you, Sir.’ The ups and downs of cricket over the years have been his classroom. He’s taken all those lessons on board and he’s now producing the goods.”

Not that Norris was trying to hog Conway’s limelight: “It’s madness to claim an individual.” He listed Jimmy Cook, Graham Ford, Grant Morgan as instrumental in moulding the new toast of New Zealand — the seventh man to score a double century on Test debut and the first debutant foreign opener to get to three figures on England’s seaming pitches.

Norris also made a case for schools like St John’s no longer existing chiefly to prop up privilege, even if from outside their tall walls it can look like that is still their mission: “We’re here to expose kids to different aspects of life and to turn them into good human beings.”

By the look and sound of him these past two days, and quite apart from his brilliant batting, Conway would seem to have added his name to that list, too.

First published by Cricbuzz.

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Baklava, bridges and brutality: inside Erdoğan’s Turkey

The hand of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan the closet islamist – some accuse him of practising neo-Ottomanism – trying to subvert Turkey’s decades of secularism is plain to all who want to see it.

TELFORD VICE in Cape Town

“ARE you a christian?” The question was trapped in the amber of the muslim call to prayer ringing out all around. It was asked by an old man as we stood across the street from the Armenian Orthodox Patriarchate and in front of St George Church in the Fatih area of Istanbul upon a golden Sunday evening a few weeks ago.

I said I was free of faith. He looked bemused.

“Free of faith? Free of faith! Hmph! But without faith you cannot live.”

I did not argue the obvious: here I was, alive, well and happy. Probably, in significant part, because I was free of faith.

He didn’t pursue the issue, no doubt considering me a lost cause. Instead he unfurled priest’s vestments, all but disappeared into their billowing blackness as he donned them with a flourish, bade us farewell, and marched theatrically into the church to solemnise a wedding. Father Elvis, not his real name, had entered the building.

In a restaurant in thoroughly hipsterised Karaköy, a young woman sat among friends who had gathered to mark one of their birthdays. Only she wore hijab. But, like everyone else at the table, she smoked and swigged beer from the bottle.

Was she rebelling against her culture? Was she a subversive in disguise trying to undermine the faith that signals that culture? What would the Istanbullus who are adamant that the nation is divided strictly into those who drink alcohol and those who do not make of her? She had faith, it appeared. Would Father Elvis have approved?

Like baklava, Turkey has many layers. It is more probable than possible, in only a few of Istanbul’s teeming streets, to find cafés serving muddy Turkish coffee alongside those offering the jet fuel that is Antipodeans’ gift to espresso.

Or classy bars and restaurants showcasing some of the 61.5-million litres of wine the country producers annually — much of it of high quality, but only 5% of it exported — to a nation of more than 82-million, 99.8% of whom call themselves muslim.

Or nostalgic shrines to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk — the modernising secularist who was galvanised by leading an army to victory over the Allies, commanded by Winston Churchill, at Gallipoli in 1916 into the founding father of modern Turkey in 1923 — within sight of staunchly sacrosanct places of worship.

Or luridly pink-mouthed, wigged, tight-topped transsexual sex workers leaning out of first-floor windows and trying, loudly, to fish customers from the streaming pavements leading to a market frequented by conservative Kurdish women, identifiable by their penchant for snowy, delicately tassled, almost gossamer hijab.

Or 3.6-million Syrians, having fled the war at home, transposing their lives — complete with cardamom-laced coffee, a type of dried spinach called molokhiya, and restaurants using the same names, offering the same menu, staffed by the same chefs and waiters, serving the same customers as they did in Damascus and Aleppo — onto a city that has shape-shifted through the ages from being called Lygos, Augusta Antonina, Byzantium, Stanbulin, Constantinople, Islambol, Polin, Bolis, al-Qustantiniyya, the New Rome, the New Jerusalem, to Throne of the Romans.  

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has mastered separating the layers of the baklava just far enough — while also keeping the whole in one piece — to stay in power.

Born, on February 26, 1954 in Kasımpaşa, an ancient section of Beyoğlu on Istanbul’s European side whose hills tumble into the Golden Horn, Erdoğan grew up selling lemonade and simit, a kind of crisp, sesame-seeded bagel that is the breakfast of choice for almost every Turk, in the streets — where he also played football.

Rather than a prolific scorer he was blessed with the foresight to create goals, and played professionally for Kasımpaşa. These days the club’s stadium, immaculately appointed but small with a capacity of only 14 000, bears his name.

That doesn’t fit with rest of the Erdoğan story, because what he does he does big. Bridges swoop and gleam, one, across the Golden Horn, comes replete with a metro stop, another is the third suspension bridge across the Bosphorus. A mosque in the grand imperial manner, big enough to hold 63 000, looms lumpily in the distance. A vast new international airport is slickly efficient and almost an enjoyable place to be. A tunnel has been burrowed under the Bosphorus, all the better to apply a laxative to Istanbul’s chronically car-clogged colon.

Erdoğan holds a Trumpian perspective laced with Putinesque overtones, which never fails to quicken the patriotic pulse, particularly of Turks outside the main centres. At the Bosphorus bridge’s opening in August 2016, he presented a Turkish proverb as his own profundity: “When a donkey dies it leaves behind its saddle. When a man dies he leaves behind his works. We will be remembered for this.”

But, as with Donald Trump, there is dodginess in the details. The running track that hugs the shore under the bridge over the Golden Horn looks like something out of user-friendly Brisbane. Alas, it peters out in less than a kilometre.  

Similarly, kiosks flutter with all manner of newspapers, 45 of them national dailies, and another 15 exclusive to Istanbul. And few will say less than a glowing word about Erdoğan, not least because 231 journalists have been jailed in the wake of a failed coup on July 15, 2016.

The hand of Erdoğan the closet islamist — some accuse him of practising neo-Ottomanism — trying to subvert Turkey’s decades of secularism is plain to all who want to see it.

Mosques are built in spaces previously dominated by churches, and like all the others in the country they are funded by the regime, which pays everything from the salaries of clerics to the cleaning bills — and controls what is preached. Every Thursday evening the sermon for the next day’s juma service, the week’s most important and best attended prayer for muslims the world over, flutters into the inbox of every imam in Turkey. That’s not to say the men of the cloth don’t have a choice: either they relay the message as is, or follow the themes outlined, helpfully, in the same document.

Lessons on evolution and Atatürk and his successor, Ismet Inönü, have been removed from the school curriculum amid promises to teach “from the perspective of a national and moral education” to “protect national values” — code for a more conservative, religious approach.

And it’s working. Turkish flags displayed prominently in the streets, and there are many, have been put there either by overt nationalists or immigrants desperate to proclaim their affection for the country. 

If you want to research why that has happened if you are in Turkey don’t bother with Wikipedia: since April 2017 the site has been banned there in the wake of articles that said the country was a state sponsor of terrorism.

“My motherland, my beautiful but bruised motherland, is not a democracy,” Turkish author Elif Shafak wrote in an article for Politico last year. For views like that she is routinely rubbished in Erdoğan’s press, and never given the right of reply.

Yet erudite, impassioned opposition to the president and his government’s policies is as easy to find in Istanbul’s streets as crisp baklava and muddy coffee.

People speak openly about their fear of where Turkey might be after Erdoğan, who has ruled since 2003, is no longer in office; when his powerful allies in the construction industry finally run out of money. But some of those same people decline to accept the fact of the genocide, perpetrated by the Ottomans, that claimed the lives of 1.5-million Armenians between 1914 and 1923. On that score they are one with Erdoğan’s regime, which protested petulantly in April when France and Portugal officially recognised this systematic mass murder for what it was.

The Kurds will know how the Armenians felt. Erdoğan has long labelled their organised structures as terrorist, and there is evidence that in their attempts to raise funds they operate more like the mafia than political groups. But Turkey’s army didn’t ask who was a member of what when they began driving the Kurds out of northern Syria on October 9 — which they were free to do after Trump withdrew a small force of strategically situated American troops. Erdoğan wanted a buffer 30 kilometres deep and 480 kilometres long on Turkey’s southern border with Syria, and by October 28 his troops had displaced an estimated 130 000 and left 400 000 without access to clean water. How many have been killed in the cause is unclear.

On October 29 the anti-Trump US congress decided, by 405 votes to 11, that the Armenians had indeed been victims of genocide. As a position of principle it came a century too late. As a backlash against their own president it was clear, and derided by the Turks.

“Circles believing that they will take revenge this way are mistaken,” foreign minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu posted on social media. “This shameful decision of those exploiting history in politics is null and void for our government and people.”

The brutality and bloodletting has ceased, at least until Erdoğan makes good on his threat to chase the legions of Syrian refugees back from whence they came. But the damage has been done. It didn’t help the Kurds that most of them are, like Erdoğan, Sunni muslims. Not that they would have been spared had they been something else.

Because Erdoğan is, at his core, once all his artifice is stripped away and his ambition exposed, that thoroughly human thing: free of faith.

First published by New Frame.