Krom Hendricks’ story holds lessons for all, now and in the future

A half-breed like Hendricks in South Africa’s Test team? Unthinkable. No matter how good he was as a player, he was born not good enough.

TELFORD VICE | Cape Town

THREE white men are at a Cape Town bookshop talking about a work two of them have written about a black cricketer. Three of the questions from the audience come from women. Two of the questioners are black. Discuss.

Not that there is a lot of discussion in South African cricket. What there is a lot of is shouting — from whites at blacks who question why they do not have a bigger presence in the game in all avenues and at all levels, from blacks at whites who highlight failings by those who are black, and from brown people who lament that once they weren’t white enough to be considered equals and now they aren’t black enough. All too often, the shouting is a kneejerk defence against the indefensible.    

Chris Nenzani, Cricket South Africa’s president until their annual meeting on September 5, when he is due to vacate that office, is a lightning rod for much of that anger. Respected for most of a tenure that started in February 2013, he will leave the game stained by the past 18 months, which have seen galloping financial losses, compound fractures of governance, dwindling sponsorship and mounting public and stakeholder disapproval.

Thus, and perhaps unfairly, Nenzani, who is black, will go down as CSA’s worst ever leader. But say a word against him and, regardless of the unimpeachable facts of the matter, if you are white or brown you will likely be met by irrational, abusive screeching in his defence. The reasons why go beyond what one person, black, brown or white, competent, mediocre or inept, could ever achieve.

“What did you expect? I don’t know why we’re so surprised. When you put your foot on a man’s neck and hold him down for 300 years, and then you let him up, what’s he going to do? He’s going to knock your block off.” There’s a chilling jolt of currency in those words in the wake of the public killing of George Floyd by police in Minneapolis on May 25, and the nuclear reaction that has spread far beyond that street of unnecessary death. But they were said by Lyndon B. Johnson in the angry aftermath of the assassination of Martin Luther King in April 1968.

Forty years later enough of the United States’ white majority voted for Barack Obama to make him their country’s first black president. Four years after that, they kept him in the job. But then, in retaliation for eight years of what looked like progress, they elected Donald Trump, a shameless juggernaut of retrogression and division who represents the seething rejection of racial and gender justice. For Americans of every stripe, it’s back to the past.

Similarly, not nearly enough about the reality of black South Africans’ lives have changed since they won their freedom 26 years ago. Instead, whites remain on top of almost any pile worth measuring, including cricket.

Thirty-six men have captained South Africa’s official Test team since March 1889. Thirty-four have been white. Of the 29 debuts handed out across the formats since the start of 2019, only four have gone to black Africans, who comprise more than 80% of the population and form the majority of cricket’s player base and following. These figures are crude but rude with the truth that the game, despite significant efforts to darken it, remains unbearably white.

Among the major sports only football puts national teams on the field that demographically represent the nation more or less accurately. Much has been made of the racial rainbow that was the South Africa rugby side that won the 2019 World Cup, but only five of the XV who started the final against England were black African. Then there’s the shibboleth that in South Africa blacks play football and whites play rugby and cricket. It is a lie invariably peddled maliciously.

Apartheid was consigned to history in April 1994, but anyone who argues that the country isn’t still in structural and systemic racism’s dismal grip lives in a universe parallel, and at least as warped, to that occupied by Chris Nenzani’s noisier supporters.

On June 4 the minister of sport, Nathi Mthethwa, met with the Eminent Persons Group (EPG) and, a release said, “was concerned about the lack of implementation of the EPG team recommendations; and went as far as proposing an enforcement mechanism using legislative instruments to ensure that all the transformation objectives are realised”. The EPG reported that “more than 50% of the audited federations have achieved their transformation targets”, but also that “black Africans and women are underrepresented in every sphere of South African sport”.

The same could be said about all aspects of modern South African life. Apartheid was consigned to history by Nelson Mandela’s election as president in April 1994, but anyone who argues that the country isn’t still in structural and systemic racism’s dismal grip lives in a universe parallel, and at least as warped, to that occupied by Nenzani’s noisier supporters.

How much of all that might Krom Hendricks have helped change, for the better, had he been given the opportunity he earned rightfully? Considering the forces ranged against him, maybe no more than minimally. But it is a thought worth exploring nonetheless.

Hendricks was a rock star fast bowler from the Cape who was in his pomp in the 1890s. Tall, broad and moustachioed, he ripped through batting orders like a demon — the English team that toured South Africa from December 1891 to March 1892 compared him favourably to Fred Spofforth himself — and he should have roared into the Test team. Doubtless he would have if not for the accident of his birth.

Hendricks’ father was white. His mother was black. Such mixing and matching in the gene pool was not unheard of in Cape Town, a port city, after all, where the world’s disparate peoples met on more equal terms than in less liberal places. But the products of such unions were not welcome in the polite white society that held their superiority in all circles — including on the cricket oval — to be at once self-evident and inviolate.

A half-breed like Hendricks in South Africa’s Test team? Unthinkable. No matter how good he was as a player, he was born not good enough. Nothing could change that. As one of the members of South Africa’s inaugural Test XI, Augustus Bernard Tancred — his best friends, all of them white, no doubt, called him “AB” — wrote in the Standard and Diggers News of February 14, 1894 of the possibility of Hendricks being picked to tour England later that year: “To take him as an equal would from a South African point of view be impolitic, not to say intolerable, and I would not have him on those terms if he were a better bowler than [former England ace George] Lohmann.”

Tancred’s vile words live and breath again on page 62 of Too Black to Wear Whites, a study of Hendricks’ life and career and the context in which he lived. Two of the white men at that Cape Town bookshop were the authors, Jonty Winch and Richard Parry. The third, André Odendaal, wrote the foreword. All are historians, and cricket people with a gift for marrying research with passion to tell stories that enrich our understanding of the past and so the present.

Hendricks deserves his due, not least because he has never had it before. He would have been, in his day, prominent in any reckoning of who the best and quickest fast bowler in the world might be. But, in 848 pages of Maurice Luckin’s supposedly authoritative history of South African cricket, published in 1915, Hendricks appears in prose only once, as “the Cape coloured boy, Hendriks [sic]”, and features in a solitary scorecard.

He was a victim of his time and his circumstances, with powerful figures like arch-imperialist Cecil John Rhodes personally involved in stymieing his progress. This disgrace reached the level of preventing Hendricks from earning a living by playing professionally for clubs. But he was not about to go quietly, writing bristling letters to newspapers and even enjoying the support of some of those the white elite considered “gentlemen”.

Hendricks himself was not above apparent prejudice, firing off a missive to the Cape Times in January 1894 in which he “must disclaim any connection with the Malay community. My father was born of Dutch parents in Cape Town, and my mother hails from St Helena — then why am I termed a Malay?” Why was he anxious not to be counted among the Malays? Perhaps because they were Muslim. Or because they were brought to the Cape as slaves. Or he was pulling the race card to try and be regarded as white, and so be permitted to earn money from playing cricket.

Winch and Parry have done the game a great service by delving deeply into their subject to knot the loose ends of Hendricks’ previously barely told story, and in the process weave a vibrant vision of the South Africa of the time. While much has changed, it is depressing how much has not.   

Hendricks was indeed too black to wear whites at a high level in his country in the 1890s, and he would have been for the next hundred years. More than 130 years have passed since his outrageous talent for taking wickets became impossible to ignore. South Africans are now parsing the difference between who is merely black — indigenous and mixed race brown people and those of Asian heritage — and who is black African, and on that basis making important decisions about the lives of individuals as they attempt to redress the viciously legislated social engineering of the past.

Mostly, care is taken to ensure this happens with due regard for all involved: there is no question that Kagiso Rabada, a black African, is South Africa’s best fast bowler in a generation. But it is equally true that black Africans are, rightfully considering the grotesquely skewed reality that went before, afforded more life and career opportunities than other race groups. Whether they are able to take them in a society where too much of the past infects the present in ways far bigger than cricket — the World Inequality Database reports that 1% of South Africans earn 20% of the country’s income, while 90% take home only 35% — is a different conversation.

Rabada, for instance, is the son of middle-class parents. But they rose from the desperately difficult beginnings universal to black lives of that time to become a doctor and a lawyer. Would their son be where he is had their hard work not paid for a place at a prestigious school that had produced seven international cricketers?   

Rabada’s route to fulfilling his potential would not have been open to Hendricks, no matter how much talent he had or how hard his parents toiled to see it fulfilled. Even now he might consider the door half-closed rather than half-open. Then, he was not white enough. Now, he may not be black enough.

First published by Cricbuzz.

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Don’t lie back and think of India

If you come away from India not overwhelmed, you’re doing it wrong. Or, like Christopher Columbus, you got lost and ended up somewhere else.  

TELFORD VICE in Cape Town

AFTER everything conjured about India by outsiders, from EM Forster to Elizabeth Gilbert to Steven Spielberg to Danny Boyle, in millions of words and images slung around the world in the course of hundreds of years, it took Donald Trump only a few syllables to stoop to a hitherto unplumbed low. How difficult can it be for anyone to pronounce the names of Sachin Tendulkar and Virat Kohli something like properly? Surely not as hard as calling them “Soochin Tendulkerrr and Virot Kohleee”, as Trump did at Motera Stadium in Ahmedabad last month. Civilians might be forgiven, but not the orangutang who has access to the nuclear codes. And to the best dialogue coaching money can buy. 

Name-mangling is far from an exclusively American sport. While Trump would no doubt argue to the contrary like a two-year-old, he is not the greatest world champion name-mangler of them all ever. Here in Africa, for instance, white tongues distort black names and black tongues distort white names with equal impunity. As South Africans, we understand that we don’t understand each other at all well at cultural and human levels. And that anyone who says they do is a liar trying to be elected to political office.  

So why do we, along with all other non-Indians, keep trying to understand India and Indians? We’ve been attempting to make sense of the place and its people since Megasthenes, a Greek serving as an ambassador in the court of Syria’s Seleucus Nikator, popped over to the subcontinent to visit emperor Chandragupta Maurya more than 2,300 years ago. Of course, Megasthenes wrote a book about his visit: Indica. And so an obsession was born that has begat A Passage to India, Eat, Pray, Love, Indiana Jones and the Temple of Doom and Slumdog Millionaire, among many others of lesser and greater merit. Find a cricketminded non-Asian who says they like Bollywood movies and they probably mean they’ve seen Lagaan. They enjoyed it, but what’s with all those songs? You would be shocked, gentle Indian reader, to learn how many people not of your kin do not know yoga emerged in the Indus-Sarasvati civilisation in northern India some 5,000 years ago. What? You mean it’s not from California? Or Cape Town?   

India is too big, too complex and too established on its own special journey to make sense to those of us not from there. It is not too other: that’s the easy, flawed way out taken by Western anthropology through the ages. There is much about India that anyone from anywhere will recognise as part of the global human experience — good food is good food, regardless of where it comes from. But India is too much. Of everything. If you come away from the country not overwhelmed, every time you visit, you’re doing it wrong. Or, like Christopher Columbus, you got lost and ended up somewhere else instead.  

“Welcome to pittsville.” – Jacques Kallis at the end of his first tour to India.

Whether Mark Boucher and Jacques Kallis have seen Lagaan doesn’t matter. We can be sure we won’t find them in a yoga studio anytime soon and that, like the rest of us, they don’t understand India. But, unlike most of us, they do understand how to win there. Both were part of the side that claimed South Africa’s first series victory of any kind in India, in February and March 2000 when Hansie Cronjé’s team won in Mumbai and Bengaluru. Those were Tendulkar’s last Tests as India’s captain, and the exposure of Cronjé’s dramatic fall from grace into the hell of matchfixing began not long afterwards. But Boucher still lists his 27 not out at Wankhede Stadium, where he took guard on a turning pitch with South Africa six down needing 35 to win and the great Anil Kumble having already claimed four, as his most memorable performance in 467 matches as an international. Boucher’s method was, surely, madness: he bristled with attacking intent and reeled off six boundaries, four of them pulled or swept off the debuting Murali Kartik. The bloke at the other end took a different approach: he batted for more than three hours and faced 129 balls — easily the weightiest stay of the innings in both terms — for his unbeaten 36. He was Kallis. Beaten in three days, India had little hope of unscrambling their minds before the second Test started five days later. This time they lost by an innings with Kallis’ 95 among South Africa’s five half-centuries and Nicky Bojé taking match figures of 7/93. India saved some face by winning three of the first four games of the subsequent ODI series, which they claimed with a match to spare.

The country left its mark on its visitors, as was apparent from the comments attributed to them in a parting shot billed as a “postcard from India” and that can still be found online. Cronjé: “Different!” Bojé: “Unbelievable, smashing, lovely, beautiful, tremendous, an experience to behold.” Shaun Pollock: “Thank you India! Alanis Morissette was right!” Pieter Strydom: “I never thought people could be so fanatical about cricket.” Gary Kirsten: “I’m looking forward to getting home. The travel has been over-the-top. No Delhi belly and not a single club sandwich. I did not get on the golf course but the fact that we had such a brilliant manager [Goolam Rajah] made the tour. And winning the Test series was a major achievement.” Neil McKenzie: “It’s hot, put the A/C on!” Henry Williams: “My first [tour of India] and hopefully not my last.” Thanks to his involvement in the Cronjé scandal it was his last tour anywhere. Mornantau Hayward: “It was a pleasure.” Steve Elworthy: “I’m glad it’s taken me 35 years to get here; definitely my top holiday destination!” Dale Benkenstein: “It’s great to be back in the fold.” Boucher: “Hurricane Hindu.” Lance Klusener: “’n toe bek is ’n heel bek [A shut mouth is an unbroken mouth]. I thank you for your conscientiality [sic], baby.” Kallis: “Welcome to pittsville.” Herschelle Gibbs: “If ever there was a need to experiment.” Derek Crookes: “I have not got sick on this tour. Believe me, this is quite an achievement!” Rajah: “This is my swansong!” Not quite: Rajah served as South Africa’s manager until November 2011. Graham Ford: “A great learning experience. You’ve got to pick the right team at the right time — horses for courses.” Corrie Van Zyl: “I’m definitely sending my wife here for a holiday.” Craig Smith, the physiotherapist: “A good walk spoiled by such exuberant hospitality.”

Clearly, at least some of those opinions have been revised or at least muted. Who among us knew, in 2000, that India would soon be the epicentre of world cricket, and with it the world’s players’ prime paymaster? Any cricketminded non-Asian who claims they saw the IPL coming the early 2000s has a future in politics. Boucher and Kallis played 120 IPL and Champions League T20 games in India, along with 41 more matches for South Africa on subsequent tours there. And there they are again, now as South Africa’s coach and batting consultant. At least, Boucher is there. Kallis became a father on Wednesday and, consequently, has stayed home.

How hard will Boucher lean on the legend of his 27 not out to try and extract the best from his team as they look to add success in the three ODIs they are scheduled to play over the next six days to their 3-0 triumph over Australia? Ordinarily, beating even the Aussies in an arbitrary ODI rubber wouldn’t count for much. But, in the wake of South Africa losing eight of their first dozen completed matches at home this summer, their supporters are hoping hard that they have reached a turning point.

Much has changed about the cricketing relationship between South Africa and India in the 20 years since Kallis and Boucher forged an understanding about how to win in that country. Of the 16 players in Boucher’s current squad only Janneman Malan has not played at a significant level in India before. In 2000, exactly half of the 18 South Africans who featured in the Test and ODI series had not been part of previous tours to India. Then the IPL remained unthought. Now this series is a warm-up for the 2020 edition, if it happens. Ah yes: in 2000 there was no Coronavirus. Twenty years ago India wasn’t yet the global travel and communications leader it has since become, facts that no doubt influenced the more unkind views the players expressed then. That’s not to excuse them. We didn’t understand India then and we don’t now. And it’s not to say that because the South Africans of 2000 worked out how to win there that the knowledge has been retained by succeeding teams: the two white-ball series of 2015 are their only other successful rubbers there. For this series to go their way will need a script like Lagaan. Without the songs.

First published by Cricbuzz.

CSA take focus off fighting fires to take aim at messengers

Whatever next? Hansie Cronjé and Elvis are playing hop-scotch on a beach in Borneo? Donald Trump’s tan is real? CSA’s suits know what they’re doing?

Telford Vice thinking outside the box at Newlands on Sunday. Photograph: Firdose Moonda

TELFORD VICE at Newlands

LIKE most journalists, Stuart Hess didn’t want to make the news when he arrived at the Wanderers on Sunday morning. Unlike most journalists, he didn’t have the choice. 

Hess, who undertook his first tour as a cricket writer to India in 2001, is among South Africa’s leading practitioners of the craft. His name is known in every nook of the land where the game is played, watched and loved, and in a good many such nooks in the world beyond.

But when he arrived at the ground to cover the Mzansi Super League (MSL) match between the Jozi Stars and the Paarl Rocks, and presented his press pass at the gate, he discovered his accreditation had been revoked.

Hess was given no reason for the action taken against him. In the ensuing hours, four other reporters — all of them also senior figures on the South African and international scene — found out they had suffered the same fate.

An email from Cricket South Africa (CSA) that had landed at 10.10am (South Africa time) on Sunday informed stadium staff around the country to “please be aware that the following journalists’ accreditations have been revoked”. 

The reporters named were Hess, Neil Manthorp, Firdose Moonda, Ken Borland, and me. No explanation was offered, but no forensics were needed to know the voices being silenced belonged to some of the most objectively critical cricket writers in South Africa.

Tickets got us into Newlands — Johannesburg-based Hess of course excepted, along with Borland, who was covering a minor golf tournament somewhere in the bush — for the afternoon’s game between the Cape Town Blitz and the Tshwane Spartans.

So the first few paragraphs of this story were hammered out in the stands at the northern end of the ground. A few paras later came an invitation from those running a hospitality box. The kind offer of desk space and power was gratefully accepted.

Then Hess received an email from CSA to inform him his “application” for accreditation had been “processed” and “approved” — the last word proclaimed in bold type. It was duly learnt that the four other reporters’ accreditation had also been restored.

This story, then, was completed where, on any other day at the cricket, it might have begun: in the pressbox. My accreditation had gone from ready for use to rescinded to reactivated in the space of six frenetic hours. And that on my first day as Cricbuzz’ South Africa correspondent. The editors wouldn’t be human had they not wondered whether contracting me was a mistake. 

This is not a wail against the invented injustice of being made to traipse around a cricket ground in the cause of trying to write an article. Cricket reporters are among the most mollycoddled in journalism. They are usually accommodated in air-conditioned comfort, afforded the best view, and given free wifi, food and drink. And the price for all that is that they have to force themselves to write about a game they and their readers find enthralling. It’s so much better than a real job.

But the episode is a snapshot of a day in the life of the clumsy soap opera that cricket in South Africa has become. Did no-one at CSA think about the consequences of provoking people who are significantly more trusted to tell the truth than administrators? Did no-one second-guess the idea of coming across as heavy-handed bullies and enemies of press freedom? Did no-one wonder how much more damage this kind of disaster might do to an organisation already not short of fires to put out?

Clearly not. Bizarre as the saga itself was, the explanations for what had happened were stranger still. A computer glitch was one theory — the last time we looked computers couldn’t tell critical reporters from the rest — another that news of the revocation was a deliberate falsehood spread by CSA internally to try and identify the source of the leaks that plague the organisation.

CSA’s chief executive, Thabang Moroe, went on television to say Hess’ pass had been pulled because he had not sought comment from them for pieces he had written. Only for another official to deny Hess’ accreditation had been revoked at all. You really couldn’t make this up — no-one would believe it.   

Whatever next? Hansie Cronjé and Elvis are playing hop-scotch on a beach in Borneo? Donald Trump’s tan is real? CSA’s suits know what they’re doing?

The irony is that, while this piece was being written in various venues, a compelling game of cricket was being played on a perfect summer Sunday in front of a crowd of 6 800 — small for a ground that can hold 25 000 but the biggest of the competition so far. Shiny nuggets of runs gleamed up and down both innings, and Dale Steyn shrugged off the years and the scar tissue to dismiss Dean Elgar, Wiaan Mulder and AB de Villiers for 10 runs.

Wonderful stuff, and exactly the kind of story cricket in South Africa needs to move minds out of the negative gear they’re stuck in because of daily hints, allegations and proof that things could not possibly get worse.

Except that they can get worse, and they did. And they will. Who won the match? Who cares. 

First published by Cricbuzz.

Baklava, bridges and brutality: inside Erdoğan’s Turkey

The hand of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan the closet islamist – some accuse him of practising neo-Ottomanism – trying to subvert Turkey’s decades of secularism is plain to all who want to see it.

TELFORD VICE in Cape Town

“ARE you a christian?” The question was trapped in the amber of the muslim call to prayer ringing out all around. It was asked by an old man as we stood across the street from the Armenian Orthodox Patriarchate and in front of St George Church in the Fatih area of Istanbul upon a golden Sunday evening a few weeks ago.

I said I was free of faith. He looked bemused.

“Free of faith? Free of faith! Hmph! But without faith you cannot live.”

I did not argue the obvious: here I was, alive, well and happy. Probably, in significant part, because I was free of faith.

He didn’t pursue the issue, no doubt considering me a lost cause. Instead he unfurled priest’s vestments, all but disappeared into their billowing blackness as he donned them with a flourish, bade us farewell, and marched theatrically into the church to solemnise a wedding. Father Elvis, not his real name, had entered the building.

In a restaurant in thoroughly hipsterised Karaköy, a young woman sat among friends who had gathered to mark one of their birthdays. Only she wore hijab. But, like everyone else at the table, she smoked and swigged beer from the bottle.

Was she rebelling against her culture? Was she a subversive in disguise trying to undermine the faith that signals that culture? What would the Istanbullus who are adamant that the nation is divided strictly into those who drink alcohol and those who do not make of her? She had faith, it appeared. Would Father Elvis have approved?

Like baklava, Turkey has many layers. It is more probable than possible, in only a few of Istanbul’s teeming streets, to find cafés serving muddy Turkish coffee alongside those offering the jet fuel that is Antipodeans’ gift to espresso.

Or classy bars and restaurants showcasing some of the 61.5-million litres of wine the country producers annually — much of it of high quality, but only 5% of it exported — to a nation of more than 82-million, 99.8% of whom call themselves muslim.

Or nostalgic shrines to Mustafa Kemal Atatürk — the modernising secularist who was galvanised by leading an army to victory over the Allies, commanded by Winston Churchill, at Gallipoli in 1916 into the founding father of modern Turkey in 1923 — within sight of staunchly sacrosanct places of worship.

Or luridly pink-mouthed, wigged, tight-topped transsexual sex workers leaning out of first-floor windows and trying, loudly, to fish customers from the streaming pavements leading to a market frequented by conservative Kurdish women, identifiable by their penchant for snowy, delicately tassled, almost gossamer hijab.

Or 3.6-million Syrians, having fled the war at home, transposing their lives — complete with cardamom-laced coffee, a type of dried spinach called molokhiya, and restaurants using the same names, offering the same menu, staffed by the same chefs and waiters, serving the same customers as they did in Damascus and Aleppo — onto a city that has shape-shifted through the ages from being called Lygos, Augusta Antonina, Byzantium, Stanbulin, Constantinople, Islambol, Polin, Bolis, al-Qustantiniyya, the New Rome, the New Jerusalem, to Throne of the Romans.  

Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has mastered separating the layers of the baklava just far enough — while also keeping the whole in one piece — to stay in power.

Born, on February 26, 1954 in Kasımpaşa, an ancient section of Beyoğlu on Istanbul’s European side whose hills tumble into the Golden Horn, Erdoğan grew up selling lemonade and simit, a kind of crisp, sesame-seeded bagel that is the breakfast of choice for almost every Turk, in the streets — where he also played football.

Rather than a prolific scorer he was blessed with the foresight to create goals, and played professionally for Kasımpaşa. These days the club’s stadium, immaculately appointed but small with a capacity of only 14 000, bears his name.

That doesn’t fit with rest of the Erdoğan story, because what he does he does big. Bridges swoop and gleam, one, across the Golden Horn, comes replete with a metro stop, another is the third suspension bridge across the Bosphorus. A mosque in the grand imperial manner, big enough to hold 63 000, looms lumpily in the distance. A vast new international airport is slickly efficient and almost an enjoyable place to be. A tunnel has been burrowed under the Bosphorus, all the better to apply a laxative to Istanbul’s chronically car-clogged colon.

Erdoğan holds a Trumpian perspective laced with Putinesque overtones, which never fails to quicken the patriotic pulse, particularly of Turks outside the main centres. At the Bosphorus bridge’s opening in August 2016, he presented a Turkish proverb as his own profundity: “When a donkey dies it leaves behind its saddle. When a man dies he leaves behind his works. We will be remembered for this.”

But, as with Donald Trump, there is dodginess in the details. The running track that hugs the shore under the bridge over the Golden Horn looks like something out of user-friendly Brisbane. Alas, it peters out in less than a kilometre.  

Similarly, kiosks flutter with all manner of newspapers, 45 of them national dailies, and another 15 exclusive to Istanbul. And few will say less than a glowing word about Erdoğan, not least because 231 journalists have been jailed in the wake of a failed coup on July 15, 2016.

The hand of Erdoğan the closet islamist — some accuse him of practising neo-Ottomanism — trying to subvert Turkey’s decades of secularism is plain to all who want to see it.

Mosques are built in spaces previously dominated by churches, and like all the others in the country they are funded by the regime, which pays everything from the salaries of clerics to the cleaning bills — and controls what is preached. Every Thursday evening the sermon for the next day’s juma service, the week’s most important and best attended prayer for muslims the world over, flutters into the inbox of every imam in Turkey. That’s not to say the men of the cloth don’t have a choice: either they relay the message as is, or follow the themes outlined, helpfully, in the same document.

Lessons on evolution and Atatürk and his successor, Ismet Inönü, have been removed from the school curriculum amid promises to teach “from the perspective of a national and moral education” to “protect national values” — code for a more conservative, religious approach.

And it’s working. Turkish flags displayed prominently in the streets, and there are many, have been put there either by overt nationalists or immigrants desperate to proclaim their affection for the country. 

If you want to research why that has happened if you are in Turkey don’t bother with Wikipedia: since April 2017 the site has been banned there in the wake of articles that said the country was a state sponsor of terrorism.

“My motherland, my beautiful but bruised motherland, is not a democracy,” Turkish author Elif Shafak wrote in an article for Politico last year. For views like that she is routinely rubbished in Erdoğan’s press, and never given the right of reply.

Yet erudite, impassioned opposition to the president and his government’s policies is as easy to find in Istanbul’s streets as crisp baklava and muddy coffee.

People speak openly about their fear of where Turkey might be after Erdoğan, who has ruled since 2003, is no longer in office; when his powerful allies in the construction industry finally run out of money. But some of those same people decline to accept the fact of the genocide, perpetrated by the Ottomans, that claimed the lives of 1.5-million Armenians between 1914 and 1923. On that score they are one with Erdoğan’s regime, which protested petulantly in April when France and Portugal officially recognised this systematic mass murder for what it was.

The Kurds will know how the Armenians felt. Erdoğan has long labelled their organised structures as terrorist, and there is evidence that in their attempts to raise funds they operate more like the mafia than political groups. But Turkey’s army didn’t ask who was a member of what when they began driving the Kurds out of northern Syria on October 9 — which they were free to do after Trump withdrew a small force of strategically situated American troops. Erdoğan wanted a buffer 30 kilometres deep and 480 kilometres long on Turkey’s southern border with Syria, and by October 28 his troops had displaced an estimated 130 000 and left 400 000 without access to clean water. How many have been killed in the cause is unclear.

On October 29 the anti-Trump US congress decided, by 405 votes to 11, that the Armenians had indeed been victims of genocide. As a position of principle it came a century too late. As a backlash against their own president it was clear, and derided by the Turks.

“Circles believing that they will take revenge this way are mistaken,” foreign minister Mevlüt Çavuşoğlu posted on social media. “This shameful decision of those exploiting history in politics is null and void for our government and people.”

The brutality and bloodletting has ceased, at least until Erdoğan makes good on his threat to chase the legions of Syrian refugees back from whence they came. But the damage has been done. It didn’t help the Kurds that most of them are, like Erdoğan, Sunni muslims. Not that they would have been spared had they been something else.

Because Erdoğan is, at his core, once all his artifice is stripped away and his ambition exposed, that thoroughly human thing: free of faith.

First published by New Frame.

Leading Edge: The bad marriage that is South Africa versus Australia

The real Australian team — the snarling, swaggering, sniggering version, not Tim Paine’s hand-shaking wimps — will stand up before the end of South Africa’s tour.

Sunday Times

TELFORD VICE in London

IT’S a bad marriage made neither in heaven nor hell but in that dark place within us where push comes to shove in all its ugliness: the gut.

It’s primal and grimy and fuelled by hot blood gushing in where logic fears to tread.

It’s what would have happened had John McEnroe met Bjorn Borg round midnight in an alley in the bad part of town, circa 1980.

Or what did happen to Nancy Kerrigan’s knee, thanks to a lead pipe and a thug, at the instigation of Tonya Harding weeks before the 1994 Winter Olympics.

Or what might happen again should Alex Ferguson and Arsene Wenger bump into each other during unhappy hour in an old man’s pub somewhere. 

It’s South Africa versus Australia, and it takes no prisoners.

It’s always been like this, in the same way that Americans have for centuries ignored the enduring truth that what they call their country is built on the theft of black lives that don’t matter to them. Except in the cause of capitalism.

Then they came clean and owned up and dropped the act and, finally, elected Donald Trump, who isn’t afraid to be the monster his people want.

South Africa versus Australia is in the throes of its Trumpian moment. It burst its fetid banks there in November 2016 when Faf du Plessis and his gobby, freshly-minted mouth landed the starring role in a made-by-and-for-TV ball-tampering soap opera.

It came here last summer when David Warner outed himself as Trump in pads and plasters, and dragged useful idiots like Steve Smith and Cameron Bancroft to the bottom with him in what ended as another ball-tampering saga.

Now it’s back over there for three one-day internationals and a T20, a trifling in the greater scheme of cricket things but a burning coal of righteousness for those involved. Which includes you and me and all those Aussie bastards.

The view from here is that you can bet on the real Australian team — the snarling, swaggering, sniggering version, not Tim Paine’s hand-shaking wimps — standing up before the end of the tour.

That’s not to say South Africa are angels. They are, as has been written in this space before, the team most nabbed for ball-tampering in recent years, and they have given the game the corrupt and corrupting Hansie Cronjé, among others of that miserable ilk.

If this tour follows the telltale track marks of those that have mainlined malevolence in the past, these two sides will again bring out the worst in each other’s characters and culture.

Along, of course, with the best of their cricket.

Soccer-punched: why Marx was wrong about religion

World Cups are state-sanctioned, capitalism-controlled drug-dealing that put people in the kind of funk the powerful can use to take the attention off their actions.

STRAIGHT RED – Karl Marx was right about almost everything. Almost …

Times Select

TELFORD VICE in Lisbon

KARL Marx got it wrong. Not about the importance of the workers of the world uniting, nor recognising that they who control the means of production boss almost everything, nor on the inherent evil of capitalism.

Damn straight, comrade, on those counts and many more. So, what was Marx wrong about? God-bothering. Or, at least, about its place in modern society.

“Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature, the heart of a heartless world, and the soul of soulless conditions.”

Those are 20 of the most beautifully arranged words yet translated into English.

It’s a pity we tend to remember not them but the next seven words: “It is the opium of the people.”

All 27 of those words are from “Critique of Hegel’s Philosophy of Right”, which Marx wrote in 1834: more than 200 years after cricket became professional and 23 years before the world’s first football club was founded, in Sheffield.

So he had no idea of the monster football would become. But he did take himself off to a cricket match, where, according to Ben Carrington’s “Marxism, cultural Studies and Sport” (2009), he decided that “if the masses could be so easily subdued by such a resolutely sedate game with its mores of bourgeois Englishness dripping from every rule and expression, then all was lost for the socialist cause”.

That explains, perhaps, why Marx didn’t see that the opium of the people wouldn’t be religion in future. Instead, it would be sport.

And that makes World Cups state-sanctioned, capitalism-controlled drug-dealing that put people in the kind of funk the powerful can use to take the attention off their actions. That’s a dark thought, but there are many more and much darker where that comes from. Here are but a few:

Russians were still celebrating their team’s 5-0 thumping of Saudi Arabia in the opening match of football’s 2018 World Cup when it emerged that the Kremlin had hiked VAT and planned to raise the retirement age.

During that match, Saudi forces launched a brutal offensive in their despicable proxy war on Yemen to isolate the main port and so sever deliveries of food and medicine to a nation already wrecked by famine and disease.

The day before a Moroccan own-goal earned victory for Iran, the latter’s authorities arrested Nasrin Sotoudeh, a prominent Iranian human rights lawyer, and told her she had been sentenced, in absentia, to five years in prison.

Hours ahead of scoring all three of Portugal’s goals against Spain, Cristiano Ronaldo agreed to pay a fine amounting to almost R300-million rather than face further prosecution on tax evasion charges.

None of those stories garnered anything like the amount of coverage devoted to the comparatively insignificant on the field in Russia.  

The masses were high on football, leaving the bold and the bad to do whatever they wanted in sickening sobriety.

That’s as much a comment on what’s wrong with media concerned with little else but their numbers of viewers, listeners and readers as it is on those viewers, listeners and readers.

Sometimes players are dragged into the mess, like Mohamed Salah was in Grozny on Sunday. Chechnya’s boorish oaf of a leader, Ramzan Kadyrov — who insists there are no gay men in his country, which may soon be true considering he has them tortured and executed — turned up at the Egypt team’s hotel and apparently insisted the sleeping Salah be woken up.

Then he posed for photographs with the player that rocketed around the world, leaving Salah to explain the how and why of his seemingly willing fraternisation with a vicious tyrant.

Vladimir Putin, Russia’s autocratic, anti-democratic president, and Donald Trump, the dangerous buffoon Americans somehow chose to lead them, must have looked on in impotent rage and envy at Kadyrov’s naked chutzpah. 

It’s not only countries governed by criminals who use the cover of sport to try and hide what they’re up to, or at least give it a respectable face.

At a fan park in Lisbon before the Portugal-Spain game, a former lawyer and journalist and the godson of Portugal’s last fascist dictator stopped traffic and gathered a crowd around him. 

Well he might have: he was Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, Portugal’s centre-left president who doesn’t need to be asked twice to pose for a selfie with his beloved compatriots, who could easily be mistaken for voters.

As a woman in Lisbon said the other day: “Ah yes. The World Cup. Our politicians always wait for it to come before they force through unpopular legislation.”

She was from Düsseldorf in Germany, which is led by the ostensibly sane, outwardly decent Angela Merkel, patron saint of refugees everywhere.

This as much a comment on what’s wrong with media concerned with little else but the numbers of the viewers, listeners and readers they attract as it is on what’s wrong with those viewers, listeners and readers.

Which would be worse, a website putting up a video of Ashwin Willemse’s pet scorpion stinging the bejaysus out of a photograph of Nick Mallett, or people clicking on that video?

And how many more hits do you think this article would earn if the names of Willemse and Mallett were in the headline, nevermind that they have bugger nothing to do with this story? 

What the hell are we thinking? How can we allow something as comparatively unimportant as the World Cup to hijack our critical attention when we need it most?

Aside from the damage the tournament aids and abets in our society, the tournament doesn’t even do what it says on the tin.

The idea that we will, after the final in Moscow on July 15, know which is the best team in international football is outdated and laughably naive.

What we will know is which squad of players, arbitrarily chosen more often than not, who represent nothing except themselves and their teammates, have been more successful than 31 other but similar squads over the course of a particular month. Nothing more, nothing less.

How do we keep our eye on the real ball while the World Cup is here to distract us with fakery? By turning to Marx.

“I find television very educating. Every time somebody turns on the set I go into the other room and read a book.”

Yes, that’s Marx. Groucho Marx.